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耶路撒冷为何成为冲突的中心?

更新时间:2017-12-10 12:33:36 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

The Conflict in Jerusalem Is Distinctly Modern. Here’s the History.
耶路撒冷为何成为冲突的中心?

In December 1917 — 100 years ago this month — the British general Edmund Allenby seized control of Jerusalem from its Ottoman Turkish defenders. Dismounting his horse, he entered the Old City on foot, through Jaffa Gate, out of respect for its holy status.

1917年12月,也就是100年前的这个月,英国将领埃德蒙·艾伦比(Edmund Allenby)击败奥斯曼土耳其守军,夺取了对耶路撒冷的控制权。出于对其神圣地位的尊重,他下了马,步行经由雅法门进入老城。

In the century since, Jerusalem has been fought over in varying ways, not only by Jews, Christians and Muslims but also by external powers and, of course, modern-day Israelis and Palestinians.

此后的一个世纪里,耶路撒冷成为各方争夺的猎物,不仅有犹太人、基督徒和穆斯林,还有外部力量,当然还有当今的以色列人和巴勒斯坦人。

It is perhaps fitting that President Donald Trump appears to have chosen this week to announce that the United States will recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, despite concerns from leaders of Arab countries, Turkey and even close allies like France.

唐纳德·特朗普总统不顾阿拉伯国家、土耳其甚至是法国等亲密盟国领导人的担忧,选择本周宣布美国将承认耶路撒冷是以色列首都,兴许是一个合适的时机。

Conflicts over Jerusalem go back thousands of years — including biblical times, the Roman Empire and the Crusades — but the current one is a distinctly 20th-century story, with roots in colonialism, nationalism and anti-Semitism. The New York Times asked several experts to walk readers through pivotal moments of the past century.

围绕耶路撒冷的冲突可追溯到数千年前,包括圣经时代、罗马帝国和十字军东征,但当前这场冲突完全是20世纪的事,根源则在于殖民主义、民族主义和反犹太主义。《纽约时报》请来了几位专家,为读者解读过去一个世纪的重要时刻。

1917-48: British Mandate

1917–48年:英国托管

“It was for the British that Jerusalem was so important — they are the ones who established Jerusalem as a capital,” said Yehoshua Ben-Arieh, a historical geographer at Hebrew University. “Before, it was not anyone’s capital since the times of the First and Second Temples.”

“耶路撒冷对英国人非常重要,正是他们把耶路撒冷确立为首都的,”希伯来大学(Hebrew University)历史地理学者耶霍舒亚·本-阿里耶(Yehoshua Ben-Arieh)说。“在第一和第二圣殿时代过后,那里原本已经不是任何人的首都了。”

The three decades of British rule that followed Allenby’s march on Jerusalem saw an influx of Jewish settlers drawn by the Zionist vision of a Jewish homeland, while the local Arab population adjusted to the reality of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, which had ruled the city since 1517.

艾伦比进入耶路撒冷后,英国统治耶路撒冷30年。在建立犹太人家园的犹太复国主义愿景吸引下,大量犹太定居者在此期间涌入耶路撒冷。与此同时,当地的阿拉伯民众也接受了奥斯曼帝国灭亡的现实。从1517年开始,耶路撒冷一直处于奥斯曼帝国的统治下。

“Paradoxically, Zionism recoiled from Jerusalem, particularly the Old City,” said Amnon Ramon, senior researcher at the Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research. “First because Jerusalem was regarded as a symbol of the diaspora, and second because the holy sites to Christianity and Islam were seen as complications that would not enable the creation of a Jewish state with Jerusalem as its capital.”

“吊诡的是,犹太复国主义退出了耶路撒冷,尤其是老城,”耶路撒冷政策研究所(Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research)高级研究员阿姆农·拉蒙(Amnon Ramon)说。“一是因为耶路撒冷被视为海外犹太人的象征,二是因为基督教和伊斯兰教的圣地被认为问题丛生,无法孕育出一个以耶路撒冷为首都的犹太国家。”

Many early Zionists were secular European socialists, motivated more by concerns about nationalism, self-determination and escape from persecution than by religious visions.

很多早期犹太复国主义者是世俗的欧洲社会主义者,鼓舞他们的是对民族主义、民族自决和摆脱迫害的关心,而不是宗教愿景。

“Jerusalem was something of a backwater, a regression to a conservative culture that they were trying to move away from,” according to Michael Dumper, professor in Middle East politics at the University of Exeter in England. “Tel Aviv was the bright new city on a hill, the encapsulation of modernity.”

“耶路撒冷可以说是一潭死水,退化成了他们一直试图赶走的一种保守文化,”英格兰埃克塞特大学中东政治中心(Middle East politics at the University of Exeter)的教授迈克尔·邓普尔(Michael Dumper)说。“特拉维夫是在山上建起来的一座全新的城市,是现代化的结晶。”

For Arabs, he said: “There was still something of the shock at not being in the Ottoman Empire. There was a reordering of their society. The local Palestinian aristocracy, the big families of Jerusalem, emerged as leaders of the Palestinian national movement, which was suddenly being confronted by Jewish migration.”

他说,对阿拉伯人来说,“不再归属于奥斯曼帝国仍然是件不可思议的事。他们的社会在建立起一种新秩序。当地的巴勒斯坦贵族,耶路撒冷的大家族,成为了巴勒斯坦民族运动的领袖,突然与犹太移民形成了对峙。”

Opposition to that migration fueled several deadly riots by Palestinians, while Jews chafed at British rule and at immigration restrictions imposed in 1939 — restrictions that blocked many Jews fleeing the Holocaust from entering. After the war, in 1947, the United Nations approved a partition plan that provided for two states — one Jewish, one Arab — with Jerusalem governed by a “special international regime” owing to its unique status.

对这种移民的反对引发了巴勒斯坦民众的几场死伤惨重的暴乱,犹太人对英国的统治和1939年实施的移民限制措施——禁止很多逃离大屠杀的犹太人入境——极为不满。战后的1947年,联合国批准了一项两个国家——一个犹太,一个阿拉伯——分治的方案,耶路撒冷因地位特殊而由一个“国际特别政权”管理。

1948-67: A Divided City

1948–67年:被分裂的城市

The Arabs rejected the partition plan, and a day after Israel proclaimed its independence in 1948, the Arab countries attacked the new state. They were defeated. Amid violence by militias and mobs on both sides, huge numbers of Jews and Arabs were displaced.

阿拉伯人拒绝分治方案,并且在以色列1948年宣布独立一天后,阿拉伯国家就对这个新成立的国家发起了攻击。他们被打败了。在双方的武装分子和暴徒制造的暴力中,大量犹太人和阿拉伯人背井离乡。

Jerusalem was divided: The western half became part of the new state of Israel (and its capital, under an Israeli law passed in 1950), while the eastern half, including the Old City, was occupied by Jordan. “For the Palestinians, it was seen as a rallying point,” Dumper said.

耶路撒冷被一分为二:西边一半属于刚建国的以色列(按1950年通过的以色列宪法的规定,也是其首都),靠东的一半,包括老城,则被约旦占领。“对巴勒斯坦人来说,它就是一个集会地点,”邓普尔说。

Israel and Jordan, he said, were largely focused elsewhere. Israel built up its prosperous coastal areas — including Haifa, Tel Aviv and Ashkelon — into a thriving commercial zone, while the Jordanian king, Abdullah I, focused on the development of Amman, Jordan’s capital.

他说,以色列和约旦基本上都把精力放在了其他地方。以色列把富饶的沿海地区,包括海法、特拉维夫和阿什凯隆变成了一个欣欣向荣的商业区,而约旦国王阿卜杜拉一世(Abdullah I)则把重点放在了发展约旦自己的首都安曼上。

The early Israeli state was hesitant to focus too much on Jerusalem, given pressure from the United Nations and from the European powers, according to Issam Nassar, a historian at Illinois State University.

据伊利诺伊州立大学(Illinois State University)历史学者伊萨姆·纳萨尔(Issam Nassar)介绍,建国初期,考虑到来自联合国和欧洲大国的压力,以色列不愿把太多精力放在耶路撒冷上。

1967-93: Two Wars and an Intifada

1967–93年:两场战争与一次起义

No event has shaped the modern contest over Jerusalem as much as the Arab-Israeli War of 1967, in which Israel not only defeated invading Arab armies but also seized control of the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt; the West Bank and East Jerusalem from Jordan; and the Golan Heights from Syria.

1967年的第三次中东战争(Arab-Israeli War of 1967)极大地左右了对耶路撒冷的现代争夺,在那场战争中,以色列不仅击败了入侵的阿拉伯军队,而且占领了埃及的加沙地带和西奈半岛,约旦的约旦河西岸和东耶路撒冷,以及叙利亚的戈兰高地。

“The turning points in 1967 were two: the great victory, including the fast shift from fears of defeat before the war to euphoria and the feeling that everything was possible, and the emotional impact of occupying the Old City,” said Menachem Klein, a political scientist at Bar-Ilan University in Israel.

“1967年有两个转折点:一是伟大的胜利,战前对失败的恐惧很快转变为欢欣鼓舞,以及认为一切皆有可能的感觉;另一个是占领老城对人们情绪上的影响,”以色列巴尔伊兰大学(Bar-Ilan University)的政治学家梅纳赫姆·克莱因(Menachem Klein)说。

Images of Israeli soldiers praying at the Western Wall, to which they had been denied access during Jordanian rule, became seared into Israel’s national consciousness.

从那以后,以色列士兵在哭墙祈祷的画面便深深印在以色列的国家意识中——在约旦统治期间,以色列人被拒绝前往那里。

“Jerusalem became the center of a cultlike devotion that had not really existed previously,” said Rashid Khalidi, a professor of modern Arab studies at Columbia University. “This has now been fetishized to an extraordinary degree as hard-line religious nationalism has come to predominate in Israeli politics, with the Western Wall as its focus.”

“耶路撒冷成了狂热的宗教崇拜中心,之前从未真正出现过这种情况,”哥伦比亚大学(Columbia University)的现代阿拉伯研究教授拉希德·哈利迪(Rashid Khalidi)说。“对它的痴迷现在到了一种非同寻常的程度,因为强硬的宗教民族主义已经在以色列政治中占据支配地位,哭墙是它的焦点。”

The victory of the right-leaning party Likud in 1977, under the leadership of Menachem Begin, helped solidify this new emphasis on Jerusalem as integral to Israel’s identity. Religious settlers became more prominent in political life in Israel, beginning a long ascendance that has never really halted. Old-line socialists with roots in Russia and Eastern Europe gave way to a more diverse — and also more religious — population of Israelis with origins in the Middle East, North Africa and other regions.

1977年,右倾政党利库德集团在梅纳赫姆·贝京(Menachem Begin)的领导下取得胜利,以色列对耶路撒冷的重视得到了进一步强化,它被视为该国身份认同不可或缺的一部分。虔诚的定居者在以色列的政治生活中变得更加突出,其漫长的崛起过程从未真正中断。来自俄罗斯和东欧的老式社会主义者让位给来自中东和北非等地,更为多样化、也更加虔诚的以色列人。

As part of this shift, Jerusalem’s symbolic importance intensified. Its role in Jewish history was emphasized in military parades and curriculums, and students from across Israel were taken there on school visits. This process culminated in 1980, when lawmakers passed a bill declaring that “Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel” — although Israel stopped short of annexing East Jerusalem, a move that would most likely have drawn international outrage.

作为这种转变的一部分,耶路撒冷作为象征的重要性被强化了。通过阅兵仪式和学校课程,它在犹太人历史上的作用得到强调,以色列各地的学生都会在学校组织下到那里去参观。这个进程在1980年达到高潮,当时的议会通过了一项法案,宣布“完整而统一的耶路撒冷是以色列的首都”——尽管以色列中止了吞并东耶路撒冷的行动,否则很可能引起国际社会的愤怒。

1993-present: Oslo and Beyond

1993年至今:奥斯陆及其他

The 1993 Oslo accords provided for the creation of a Palestinian Authority to govern the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, while deferring a resolution on core issues: borders, refugees and Jerusalem’s status. In the nearly quarter-century since, the prospects for a lasting peace deal have seemed ever more elusive.

1993年的《奥斯陆协议》提议建立一个巴勒斯坦权力机构,管理约旦河西岸和加沙地带,但没有就边界、难民和耶路撒冷的地位等核心问题达成协议。在之后的近四分之一个世纪里,达成持久和平协议的前景似乎变得更加渺茫。

A visit by the right-wing politician Ariel Sharon in 2000 to the sacred complex known to Jews as the Temple Mount and to Muslims as the Noble Sanctuary — which contains al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock — set off violent clashes and led to a second Palestinian uprising that claimed the lives of about 3,000 Palestinians and 1,000 Israelis over five years.

2000年,右翼政治家阿里埃勒·沙龙(Ariel Sharon)访问了一处圣地,犹太人称之为圣殿山(Temple Mount),穆斯林称之为神圣禁地(Noble Sanctuary),那里坐落着阿克萨清真寺(al-Aqsa Mosque)和岩石圆顶清真寺(Dome of the Rock)。沙龙的行为引发了暴力冲突,导致第二次巴勒斯坦人大起义,在之后的五年里造成约3000名巴勒斯坦人和1000名以色列人丧生。

Palestinians say that Jewish settlers have encroached on East Jerusalem, and that Israel has compounded the problem by revoking residency permits. Even so, the ethnic composition of Jerusalem’s population has remained about 30 percent to 40 percent Arab.

巴勒斯坦人认为,犹太定居者侵占了东耶路撒冷,以色列以取消巴勒斯坦人的居住许可作为回应,导致问题更加复杂。即便如此,在耶路撒冷的人口构成中,阿拉伯人仍占30%至40%左右。

“The entire international community has been in accord that Israeli annexation and settlement of East Jerusalem since 1967 is illegal, and refuses to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital,” Khalidi said. “If Trump changes this position, given the importance of Jerusalem to Arabs and Muslims, it is hard to see how a sustainable Palestinian-Israeli agreement or lasting Arab-Israeli normalization is possible.”

“整个国际社会一致认为,1967年以来,以色列吞并东耶路撒冷并在那里定居是非法的,并且拒绝承认耶路撒冷是以色列的首都,”哈利迪说,“如果特朗普改变这个立场,那么考虑到耶路撒冷对阿拉伯人和穆斯林的重要性,长期的巴以协议或阿以关系的长期正常化将会很难达成。”

Ben-Arieh says the conflict over the city is likely to endure. “The Arab-Jewish conflict escalated into a nationalistic conflict, with Jerusalem at its center,” he said. “Jerusalem was a city holy to three religions, but the moment that, in the land of Israel, two nations grew — the Jewish people and the local Arab people — both embraced Jerusalem. More than Jerusalem needed them, they needed Jerusalem.”

本-阿里耶表示,争夺这座城市的冲突很可能会持续下去。“阿拉伯人和犹太人的冲突升级为国家冲突,耶路撒冷是核心问题,”他说,“耶路撒冷是三个宗教的圣地,但是现在,在以色列这片土地上出现了两个国家——一个是犹太人的,一个是当地阿拉伯人的,他们都想要耶路撒冷。不是耶路撒冷需要他们,而是他们需要耶路撒冷。”

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