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Why our facial expressions don't reflect our feelings

While conducting research on emotions and facial expressions in Papua New Guinea in 2015, psychologist Carlos Crivelli discovered something startling.

心理学家克里韦利(Carlos Crivelli)2015年在巴布亚新几内亚做情绪和面部表情的研究时,得出令人吃惊的结果。

He showed Trobriand Islanders photographs of the standard Western face of fear – wide-eyed, mouth agape – and asked them to identify what they saw. The Trobrianders didn’t see a frightened face. Instead, they saw an indication of threat and aggression.


In other words, what we think of as a universal expression of fear isn’t universal at all. But if Trobrianders have a different interpretation of facial expressions, what does that mean?


One emerging – and increasingly supported – theory is that facial expressions don’t reflect our feelings. Instead of reliable readouts of our emotional states, they show our intentions and social goals.


The face acts “like a road sign to affect the traffic that’s going past it,” says Alan Fridlund, a psychology professor at University of California Santa Barbara who co-authored a recent study with De Montfort University's Crivelli arguing for a more utilitarian view of facial expressions. “Our faces are ways we direct the trajectory of a social interaction.”

加州大学圣巴巴拉分校(University of California Santa Barbara)的心理学教授弗里德隆德(Alan Fridlund)说,面部“就像一个路标,影响着通过这个路标的交通状况”。他与克里韦利最近共同撰写了一篇研究报告,力主面部表情更具实用性的观点。“面部是我们指导社交互动轨迹的方式。”

That’s not to say that we actively try to manipulate others with our facial expressions (though every once in a while, we might). Our smiles and frowns may well be instinctive.


But our expressions are less a mirror of what’s going on inside than a signal we’re sending about what we want to happen next. Your best ‘disgusted’ face, for example, might show that you’re not happy with the way the conversation is going – and that you want it to take a different tack.


“It’s the only reason that makes sense for facial expression to have evolved,” says Bridget Waller, an evolutionary psychology professor at the University of Portsmouth. Faces, she says, are always “giving some sort of important and useful information both to the sender… and to the receiver.”

朴茨茅斯大学(University of Portsmouth)进化心理学教授沃勒(Bridget Waller)说:“这是面部表情之所以进化唯一合乎情理的原因。”她说,面孔总是“向发送者和接收者提供某种重要的和有用的信息”。

While it may seem sensible, this theory has been a long time coming.


The idea that emotions are fundamental, instinctive and expressed in our faces is deeply ingrained in Western culture. Ancient Greeks placed the ‘passions’ in opposition to reason; in the 17th Century, philosopher René Descartes laid out six basic passions which could interfere with rational thought. Artist Charles Le Brun then connected them to the face, laying out “the anatomically correct and appropriately nuanced facial configuration for each Cartesian passion”, write Crivelli and Fridlund.

在西方文化中,情感代表基本和本能的情绪而反应在脸上,这种观念根深蒂固。古希腊人将“激情”与理性对立;在17世纪,哲学家笛卡尔提出了六种可能干扰理性思考的强烈情感。艺术家勒·布朗(Charles Le Brun)后来把这些情感跟脸部联系到一起,“对每一种笛卡尔激情”做出了“解剖学上正确而适宜的,且细致入微的面部配置”,克里韦利和弗里德隆德写道。

In the 1960s and ’70s, scientific research also began to back up the idea that a few basic emotions could be universally understood through facial expressions.


In different countries around the world, researcher Paul Ekman asked subjects to match photos of facial expressions with emotions or emotional scenarios. His studies seemed to indicate that some expressions, and their corresponding feelings, were recognised by people of all cultures. (These “basic emotions” were happiness, surprise, disgust, fear, sadness, and anger.) Today, the legacy of Ekman’s theories is everywhere: from the “Feelings” posters you see in preschools with their cartoons of smiles and frowns to a US government programme designed to identify potential terrorists. 纽约时报中英文网 http://www.qqenglish.com

在世界各地的不同国家,研究人员埃克曼(Paul Ekman)要求受试者将面部表情的照片与情绪或情绪场景相匹配。他的研究似乎表明,有一些表情和它们对应的情绪在所有文化中都是一样的(这些“基本情绪”是高兴、惊讶、厌恶、恐惧、悲伤和愤怒)。今天,埃克曼理论的研究遗产无所不在:从你在幼儿园看到的卡通角色或笑或皱眉的“情绪”海报,到美国政府为识别潜在恐怖分子而制定的一个计划。

But this viewpoint has always had detractors. Margaret Mead, who believed that our expressions were learned behaviours, was among them. So was Fridlund, who early in his career collaborated on two articles with Ekman before becoming disillusioned with Ekman’s ideas.

但这个观点一直不乏批评者。其中就包括美国人类学家米德(Margaret Mead),她认为我们的表情是后天习得的行为。弗里德隆德也这样认为。在他的职业生涯早期,曾与埃克曼合作过两篇文章,后来才与埃克曼的观点分道扬镳。



New research is challenging two of the main pillars of basic emotion theory. First is the idea that some emotions are universally shared and recognised. Second is the belief that facial expressions are reliable reflectors of those emotions. “They are two different points which have really been confounded by scholars,” says Maria Gendron, a psychology researcher at Northeastern University soon joining the Yale University faculty.

新研究对基本情感理论的两大支柱发起了挑战。第一个支柱是,人类共同拥有一些情绪,并且能够加以识别。第二个支柱是,相信面部表情是这些情绪的可靠反应。东北大学(Northeastern University)研究心理学的根德隆(Maria Gendron)说,“这是两个不同的观点,但真的被学者弄混了。”

That new research includes recent work by Crivelli. He has spent months immersed with the Trobrianders of Papua New Guinea as well as the Mwani of Mozambique. With both indigenous groups, he found that study participants did not attribute emotions to faces in the same way Westerners do.


It was not just the face of fear, either. Shown a smiling face, only a small percentage of Trobrianders declared that the face was happy. About half of those who were asked to describe it in their own words called it “laughing”: a word that deals with action, not feeling. And several described the smiling face as displaying the “magic of attraction”, a uniquely Trobriand-identified emotion that Crivelli describes as “a raptured enchantment”, or a feeling of being positively impacted by magic.


Gendron found similar reactions while studying other indigenous groups – the Himba people in Namibia and the Hadza in Tanzania. Both groups, when asked to describe a facial expression in their own words, tended not to describe an expression as “happy” or “sad”. Instead, they would focus on the actions of the people in the photographs (describing them as laughing or crying) or extrapolate reasons for the expressions (“Someone has died”).<-->纽约时报中英文网 http://www.qqenglish.com<-->


In other words, neither researcher found evidence that what is behind a facial expression – including whether an expression reflects an innermost emotion at all – is innately or universally understood.


Making matters more complicated, even when our facial expressions are interpreted by others as exhibiting a certain feeling, they might pinpoint an emotion we’re not actually experiencing.


In a 2017 analysis of about 50 studies, researchers found that only a minority of people’s faces reflected their actual feelings. According to co-author Rainer Reisenzein, there was one strong exception: amusement, which almost always resulted in smiling or laughter.

2017年一篇对大约50项研究的分析报告中,研究人员发现,只有少数人的表情反映他们的真实感受。据该研究报告的合著者赖森采恩(Rainer Reisenzein)说,有一个很大的例外,就是娱乐,它几乎总是能让人微笑或者大笑。

Reisenzein hesitates to interpret what those findings mean. “I’m one of these old-fashioned scientists who just do research,” he jokes. However, he does feel that there are good evolutionary reasons for us not to reveal our inner states to other people: “It puts us at a disadvantage.”


If our expressions don’t actually reflect our feelings, there are enormous consequences.


One is in the field of artificial intelligence (AI), specifically robotics. “A good number of people are training their artificial intelligence and their social robots using these classic ‘poster’ faces,” says Fridlund. But if someone who frowns at a robot is signalling something other than simple unhappiness, the AI may respond to them incorrectly.


“There’s no way to predict how the robot should react when it sees a smiley face or a pouty face or a growling face,” Fridlund points out. “You have to have some kind of knowledge of the person’s role with respect to you, and also your history together, before knowing what that face means.” Fridlund, who consults with companies that develop AI, feels that AI taught to draw from contextual cues will be more effective.


For most of us, though, the new research may have most of an effect on how we interpret social interactions. It turns out that we might communicate better if we saw faces not as mirroring hidden emotions – but rather as actively trying to speak to us.


People should read faces “kind of like a road sign,” says Fridlund. “It’s like a switch on a railroad track: do we go here or do we go there in the conversation?” That scowl on your friend’s face may not be actual anger; maybe she just wants you to agree with her point of view. Your son’s pout doesn’t necessarily reflect sadness; he may just want you to empathise or to protect him from an uncomfortable situation.


Take laughter, says Waller: “when you laugh and how you laugh within a social interaction is absolutely crucial.” An inappropriately-timed laugh might not reveal your inner joy at what’s going on – but it might show that you’re not paying close attention to the conversation, or may even signal hostility.


For Crivelli, our faces may even be more calculating than that. He compares us to puppeteers, with our expressions like “invisible wires or ropes that you are trying to use to manipulate the other.”


And, of course, that other person is manipulating us right back. We’re social creatures, after all.




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